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Old 06-21-2004, 01:39 PM   #39
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Join Date: May 2002
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Originally posted by Noxrepere
I was talking more specifically about the coincidence that people with the same names as convicts would primarily vote for Gore. That doesn't make any sense.

If they are criminals themselves, they would have lost the right to vote already. That has nothing to do with Florida.

Are you saying that people in poor black areas are more likely to share the same name with a criminal than anyone else in any other areas?

This seems to be kind of mute point any ways, because I don't know of any evidence suggesting that anything like that actually happened. I know there were allegations about voter disenfranchisement, but those were nothing more than allegations.

Mary Frances Berry, chairwoman of the US Commission on Civil Rights, reported that the Florida Legislature was stalling in its investigation into the disenfranchisement of voters in the state early in March 2001 (Kenyon, 2001). She cited "an array of serious problems: voter roll purges that removed legal voters along with convicted felons; an unauthorized police checkpoint set up on Election Day; and a variety of training and resource shortages that appeared to hit largely minority districts the hardest."

CNN has filed suit (Royse, 2004) with the State of Florida to obtain a list of names of potential felons to be removed from the voting list to compare for past and future mistakes. CNN also noted that there were widespread accusations of voters being confused with felons even though they had not committed felonies.

The US Commission on Civil Rights (2001) found that there was a positive relationship between race and voter disenfranchisement. Counties with higher minority populations were more likely to have voting systems with higher ballot rejection rates than the more affluent counties of white populations. Nine of the ten counties with the highest African American populations had rejection rates above the Florida average.

According to a study done by Hines at the Southern University and A & M College (2002), thousands of voters faced unnecessary purges, which affected many non-felons but struck ex-felons the hardest (a 1998 court decision required that the state of Florida recognize the rights of many ex-felons). Due to this and other factors, Hines concluded that blacks were ten times more likely than other voters to have their ballots rejected. In 2000, Florida saw an increase in both black Democrats and Republicans, but the increase of black Democrats was 10 to 1 over Republican - an increase that was probably due to several factors, one being the removal of Florida's affirmative action laws (Walter, 2001).

There's plenty of evidence of voter disenfranchisement if you look. The problem is, no one wants to look or believe that this kind of thing can still go on in the United States. And I didn't even list the sources I had noticed on State Police road blocks preventing voters from getting to the polls.


Hines, R. (Summer 2002). "The Silent Voices: 2000 Presidential Election and the Minority Vote in Florida." Western Journal of Black Studies, 26:2, pp. 71-75.

Kenyon, P. (March 9, 2001). Analysis: Latest findings by US Commission on Civil Rights regarding Florida's voting problems. NPR: All Things Considered.

Royse, D. (June 3, 2004). CNN Sues Over Info on Florida Voter Rolls. AP: Community CustomWire.

United States Commission on Civil Rights (2001). Voting irregularities in Florida during the 2000 Presidential Election. Washington DC: Government Printing Office.

Walter, Jr. H. (2001). "The disenfranchisment of the African American voter in the 2000 Presidential election: the silence of the winner and the loser." The Black Scholor, 31:2, pp. 21-24

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